From: hans.klein
Subject: Re: [ALSC-Forum] Misstatements concerning IFWP
Date: Thu, 20 Sep 2001 07:25:05 -0700
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Mike:
We need to keep this discussioun focused.
Our interest in the past is guided by the policy questions of today:
1. As a condition of Internet privatization in 1998, what commitments were
made to user representation?
2. What makes those commitments binding?
I haven't had time to fully research the historical record, but I offer
some quick answers here:
The parties involved in Internet privatization committed to 9 user
representatives on a board of 19
- this commitment was embodied in the bylaws of the organization called "ICANN"
- this commitment is prior to ICANN; it is an enabling condition of
privatization
This commitment is binding because:
- it resulted (almost directly) from the IFWP process, which embodied due
process
- it was a condition set by the Department of Commerce for DNS privatization
- it was accepted by all parties
- it was later reiterated by ICANN in various official documents (e.g.
filings with the U.S. tax agency, the IRS)
On the basis of this, we can conclude:
- the ALSC and the ICANN Board lack the authority to revisit these
commitments because they are prior to ICANN itself
If we stay focused on these issues, I think we can make some real progress
here.
Hans
At 07:51 PM 9/19/2001 -0700, Mike Roberts wrote:
>Hans-
>
>>Dear Mike,
>< >
>
>>In a friendly manner, I would like to suggest that there may be some
>>"mischaracterizations" in what Mike has written. His characterization of
>>the IFWP process stands in sharp contradiction to that Larry Lessig, who
>>I believe helped host the process through the Berkman Center and who
>>ICANN later nominated to the Board. Lessig wrote:
>>
>>"... IANA resisted setting its document against another in a context that
>>it could not control. As negotiations about the final meeting proceeded,
>>IANA recruited members of the IFWP coalition to withdraw the request, and
>>it finally succeeded in getting NSI to agree that any meeting should be
>>delayed until IANA had a chance to strike their own deal. The result is
>>stalemate in the IFWP process, and, if clocks count, a victory for
>>IANA... Decisions about corporate structure are not technical; they are
>>not matters taught at MIT. They are legal and political - judgments about
>>governance - and no single group has special standing in their formation.
>>Rather than something different, IANA gives us politics as usual:
>>Insiders, in closed meetings, answering to ideas and arguments as only
>>they think best. Not a promising start for the process of self-governance
>>on the Internet."
>
>There were a number of people at Berkman involved besides Larry.-
>Zittrain, Van Houweling, McLaughlin, Edelman, etc. And there was
>considerable interaction with Tamar Frankel, who was next door at Boston
>U.and accepted an invitation from the Steering Committee to chair the IFWP
>meetings. Berkman did not host the IFWP process during the summer, but
>they did offer to provide a venue for the ill-fated 5th meeting which
>never came off. Their view, as it was expressed to me at the time, was
>that they felt they could be a resource to the IFWP process, but they
>weren't going to take sides. The individuals I've identified can certainly
>amplify or correct this if they feel it is necessary.
>
>Larry's account and mine are consistent. Jon had a strong sense of
>personal stewardship of IANA, and the entire Internet technical fabric for
>that matter, and he had a low tolerance for those he considered
>fools. (He also had a marvelous capacity for keeping his thoughts to
>himself when it was politically desirable to do so.) He told me during a
>conversation in May of '98 that the whole idea of having to hire lawyers
>to do his proposal was anathema until he realized it was impossible to
>accomplish what had to be done without them.
>
>Lsrry is critical of Jon because he personally dislikes the amount of
>power that technical people wield in society and the manner in which they
>tend to wield it. He makes that very clear in his "Code" book among other
>writings. However, this was a political process, and the Postel group had
>a lot more chips on their side of the table than did the group that became
>the BWG once IFWP dissolved. If you look at
><http://www.ntia.doc.gov/ntiahome/domainname/proposals/comments/comments.html>
>which are the comments and letters of support received by Commerce on the
>five proposals that were submitted, you'll see that Jon had all the big
>players on his side.
>
>In my view, it is not a disservice to ICANN's role for there to be
>competing visions of how to accomplish it, and in our kind of system,
>those competing visions get worked out by real humans fighting for what
>they believe in. Delay and Bonior are elected to the same House of
>Representatives but there are days when you wouldn't think they were
>talking about life and politics on the same planet. Auerbach and Roberts
>hold diametrically opposed views on many aspects of how ICANN should do
>its work, but we both believe in the mission assigned to it in the White Paper.
>
>But there is a crucial difference between the politics of a House of
>Representatives and the politics of ICANN. The latter is a
>non-governmental entity specifically set up to make decisions by consensus
>of its stakeholders. And the working assumption of the Board, and of the
>ALSC report, is that no one stakeholder group gets to exercise a veto over
>others, which would be a de facto violation of the operating rules of a
>consensus based organization. This conviction is essentially set out in
>the quotation from Esther's November 6th letter which is in my earlier
>posting, and it has continued to be held to the present time by a large
>majority of the Board and the members of the Supporting Organization Councils.
>
>Many people who hold a more popular democratic view of how ICANN
>representation should function than I do, even if granting my
>characterization, would protest that it is effectively a tyranny of the
>majority. I suspect that to some degree this is correct, but it is an
>eternal problem of governance of representative organizations. Attempting
>to draw the line between tyrannies of the majority and the minority is
>very difficult and especially so in an organizational setting as complex
>as ICANN. The founders of the United States system didn't even get around
>to grappling with it until after the Constitution had been drawn, and much
>of the case load of the Supreme Court to this day is concerned with fine
>tuning of the Bill of Rights. The IETF uses its rough consensus rule to
>deal with the issue, and the ICANN Board's version has been pretty close
>to the IETF version, granting that in a number of areas it has legally
>binding commitments in its registry and registrar contracts and that it
>has no statutory authority or power in the carrying out of its mission.
>
>I'm copying Jonathan Zittrain in case he has any comment on the history
>part of this.
>
>- Mike
>
>
>--
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